Natives: Race & Class in the Ruins of Empire - book review by Graeme Kemp
Akala’s aim in the book is clear: “to examine how these seemingly impersonal forces – race and class – have impacted and continue to shape our lives”. Drawing on his past experiences of others treating him appallingly, including racist teachers, Akala offers an often harrowing account of injustices inflicted on black people in the UK as well as the British Empire. His accounts of organised white supremacy, such as the South African apartheid, show racism at its most vicious. In that way, Akala’s book largely succeeds in its aim. The linking of class with race is a particularly worthwhile position. However, not all the observations in his book are arguably right; I have doubts about some of his positions.
The book is strongest when it stresses the socially constructed nature of ‘race’ and how different human populations have had a different racial narrative constructed around each of them to serve the powerful. Racial oppression of certain groups certainly has had an economic and material basis as Akala points out.
Akala provides evidence that the appraisal of black pupils in the school system has been flawed and backs this up with statistics. Yet, he remains aware of ethnic minority success too and progress made. This is where Akala’s book is strongest and most nuanced. I found his reflections on the black experience of education fascinating. His portrayal of some white teachers and their behaviour is genuinely shocking. I do not think any decent person could not be moved by his experiences of racism.
The personal and institutional abuse suffered by black people in the UK and in the Empire was indeed vicious and racialised ‘thinking’ supported such crimes. Indeed, the slave revolts were often inspiring examples of resistance; Akala is particularly good on events in resistance in Haiti.
The book, Natives, highlights that much of modern racism was originated and fuelled by pseudo-scientific thinking, eagerly seized on by those in power to justify cruelty and oppression. The concept of race was “crude”, yet sought to unify different people with little in common. ‘Whiteness’ and ‘blackness’ were ideas invented to divide people up.
So, Natives is often a good book. Akala certainly uses humour well to make some excellent points. I certainly agreed with his appraisal of Scandinavian social democracy in the context of education. His travels across the globe reveal real insight into the lives of people in a diverse world and his knowledge of historical events is genuinely enlightening. Most definitely, Akala’s love of Shakespeare shines through. So far, so good.
However, his book can also be seen as debatable in places. His apparent take on the significance of Cuba and China are worth challenging. Sections of the book remain less than convincing and I think that’s where Akala’s politics are revealed.
For instance, Akala’s apparent support for Cuba arguably misses out some important issues over human rights. Cuba may have a great healthcare system and a generous attitude to other countries in helping with health care. Yet, Amnesty International has highlighted the communist authorities’ use of “long-standing mechanisms of control to silence critical voices”. In a book about rights, Cuba’s failings need to be emphasised more.
I am also baffled by Akala’s rather positive appraisal of China, noted for its ability to lift many of its citizens out of poverty and develop green technologies “without invading and colonising half the planet”. I am not sure many people in Tibet or other parts of China would see it like that. There might be quite valid reasons why the West is wary of China and it is arguably not jealousy. The mistreatment of the Uyghurs in recent times stands out as a gross violation of human rights that is truly shocking, with ‘re-education’ camps and allegations of forced sterilisations. The focus of Chinese repression is often the ethnic identity of those repressed- and that is a kind of institutional racism that is hard to combat in a totalitarian society like China.
Akala is certainly more critical than one would expect of Barack Obama and his “beautiful black family”. Ouch! While not perfect, surely Obama deserves a better verdict than Akala gives him? Was Obama really not that different to other US presidents? His election was certainly a major step forward for progressive values and equality.
Sadly, Akala also seems to be pessimistic about the future. His pessimism is arguably the main flaw of his book. This is how he presents the future:
“I am not particularly optimistic about the future and I hope to be proved spectacularly wrong. I fear the only question for the life of someone like me born in 2018 is how extreme the tragedies and carnage they will surely live through will be….tragedies will inevitably occur…many of these coming tragedies will be racially charged…”
Indeed, Akala confidently predicts “major conflicts” in coming years between the state, Muslim minorities and the far-right. It is clear that Akala sees a dystopian future in Europe. Does it have to be that way? Arguably not.
Akala’s political analysis sometimes itself needs questioning. His pessimism certainly does. Akala’s faith in the “revolutionary power of blackness” may not appeal to everyone who is black, even if it chimes with BLM protesters. Too often, Akala seems sympathetic to identity politics himself. He is tough, and rightly so, on Enlightenment thinkers’ racial views, but could highlight the progressive aspects of Enlightenment rationality more.
I read Akala’s book shortly before the publication of the Commission on Race and Ethnic disparities Report appeared. This report paints a far more positive picture of race and racial progress in the UK. We do not have to be prisoners of the past and it does look like a more positive future is closer than some imagine.
References:
Amnesty International
https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/americas/cuba/
Southern Poverty Law Centre
https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/group/nation-islam